Psychology is a formative science that has led to revolutionary discoveries about how the human brain works, develops, and, in some cases, can be improved. While these foundational goals are a valuable resource within our community, it is critical that they are truthful and can be replicated; otherwise they are redundant in the field. Unfortunately, due to its young age, psychological science does not have a rigid system of checks and balances to ensure that remittance procedures can be consistently undertaken for misrepresentations. To this end, this essay will evaluate the questionable validity of the “Mozart Effect”. The Mozart effect implies that having a child play Mozart will increase his or her cognitive abilities, a claim that has given rise to a rapidly growing market for “CDS to make your child smarter.” This claim, while having partial merit and wide popular acceptance, is fundamentally flawed. Through analysis of various studies of replication attempts, it is abundantly clear that the “Mozart Effect” is a falsehood. This is evidenced by: the notable lack of longevity and replicability of positive results; the evaluation of arousal levels on spatial and cognitive enhancement; and, finally, the investigation of procedural flaws in key studies. Although playing Mozart may marginally increase spatial performance, the longevity of such an increase is questionable. The improvement in performance lasts on average only 10 to 15 minutes rather than an overall improvement in cognitive abilities over a long-term duration, leading to doubts about the longevity of the hypothetical Mozart effect (Chabris, C. 1999; McKelvie, P., & Low, J. 2002; Bangerter, A., & Heath, C. 2004). Furthermore, these marginal improvements vary in spatial improvement with the original… half of the paper… an individual reflection and an observationalistic reflection on the mood of the participants should be used. Although the Mozart effect showed a varied trend in improving participants' spatial cognition, the claim that "Mozart makes children smarter" is completely discredited. Through the above analysis of arousal and mood factors it is clear that cognitive improvement relies heavily on participants' reaction to any stimulus, rather than specifically on Mozart. Furthermore, the lack of dependence on only one form of stimulus to obtain a result indicates that the phenomenon is not specific to the Mozart sonata. Finally, the limited longevity discredits the importance of the hypothesized phenomenon as it presents no long-term benefit to the user. Overall, this claim, while having partial merit, is fundamentally flawed, despite its widespread popularist acceptance.